According to Article 101, para. 1 of the Brazilian Constitution, the President has the authority to appoint justices to the STF, subject to approval by the Senate. In practice, the nomination of a candidate is preceded by an informal co-optation process involving members of the government, Congress, and even STF justices.
Read MorePaul Zibi décrit la victoire pyrrhique du pouvoir présidentiel du Cameroun au sein d’un autoritarisme électoral fragilisant
Read MoreIn this final post, Stopler (College of Law & Business, Israel) responds to the contributors’ reflections and further shows how the treatment of women’s rights lies at the heart of the broader crisis facing liberal democracy today.
Read MoreIn the fourth of five posts in our symposium on Gila Stopler’s Women’s Rights in Liberal States, Rosario Grimà Algora considers Stopler’s arguments relating to feminist theory and equality.
Read MoreAs part of our symposium on Gila Stopler’s Women Rights in Liberal States, Stefano Osella contributes a thought-provoking review. Osella praises the book as ‘timely, erudite, and brave.’ At the same time, Osella encourages Stopler to take her commitment to gender equality beyond a binary assumption of gendered power dynamics.
Read Morein the second instalment of our symposium on Women’s Rights in Liberal States, Mariana Brocca considers how liberalism has disregarded the political nature of family, region and care in the private sphere, leading to the formation of patriarchal hierarchies within liberal systems.
Read MoreIn this opening post, I will briefly introduce the main themes of the book. The following three posts will include responses from the contributors, and those will be followed by a closing post where I will respond to their thoughtful contributions.
Read MoreFabia Fernandes Carvalho, Monique Cormier, Tom Daly, Mateo Merchán Duque, Anna Dziedzic, Violeta Moreno-Lax y Elizabeth Shergold examinan una decisión provisional de la Corte de Constitucionalidad de Guatemala relativa a la interacción entre el derecho constitucional interno y el derecho internacional en un contexto de alta tensión política.
Read MoreFabia Fernandes Carvalho, Monique Cormier, Tomás Daly, Mateo Merchán Duque, Anna Dziedzic, Violeta Moreno-Lax and Elizabeth Shergold consider an interim decision of the Constitutional Court of Guatemala on the interplay between domestic constitutional law and international law in a politically-charged situation.
Read MoreShantanu Pachauri on how the Indian Supreme Court’s expansion of Article 21 -from mental health to pedestrian safety- risks becoming aspirational without institutional delivery.
Read MoreThe year 2025 has brought grave unrest to Nepal and heavily challenged its contemporary republican constitutional and political system, which was established in 2008, less than 20 years ago. Major anti-corruption protests broke out recently in the capital city of Kathmandu and elsewhere.
Read MoreOn 22 July 2025, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine (CCU) adopted its first-ever ‘Rules of Professional Ethics’ – a landmark development that places Ukraine among a small but growing group of jurisdictions where constitutional justices are subject to a dedicated, self-contained ethical code.
Read MoreJust one year after the German legislature enshrined several rules regarding the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC; in German: Bundesverfassungsgericht) – previously governed by ordinary law – into the Constitution (making them significantly harder to amend), the politics of judicial appointments to the FCC have erupted into a national spectacle unlike anything seen in the history of the Republic.
Read More26 August 2025 marks the first publication day for the Blog after our hiatus for the Northern Hemisphere summer period. There are plenty of exciting updates at the Blog, including personnel changes, new collaborations and announcements!
Read MoreDavid Kosař and Patrick Leisure introduce the concept of judicial overstay and argue that we should pay more attention to this transnational phenomenon.
Read MoreThe decision of Trump v CASA came at the end of the 2024-25 term of the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) just before the Court entered the summer recess. In this much anticipated and already widely discussed decision, SCOTUS curbed federal judges’ power to issue universal injunctions in the States. One core issue gripping the attention of both critics (eg, here and here) and sympathetic readers (eg, here and here) of CASA concerns the court’s classical function to effect judicial remedy in a litigation, while upholding the rule of law: will the SCOTUS-imposed restriction on universal injunctions in CASA render judicial relief less effective and thus undermine the rule of law in the States?
Read MoreIn recent years, particularly in March and April 2025, as part of a plan to execute an illegal secession from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), one of its two subnational units – Republika Srpska (RS) – has undertaken various legal actions.
Read MoreIn a parliamentary democracy, the will of the people, as expressed through their elected legislature, is paramount. But what happens when, in a federal system, a centrally appointed constitutional head of state uses procedural delays to effectively veto that will in respect of the elected legislature of a State?
Read MoreThe framers of the Constitution envisioned certain constitutional offices, such as those of State Governors, as nonpartisan, impartial “constitutional functionaries”. However, in recent times, such positions have become increasingly politicized.
Read MoreRather than responding to each comment seriatim, I will engage with what I take to be the three main themes running through them: (1) the existence of a diverse tradition of anti-colonial thought in India not fully captured by the dichotomy I draw between the Liberal-Progressivist and Culturalist Grand Narratives (the LPN and CGN); (2) the value of using that dichotomy as a heuristic device for understanding debates over the future of constitutionalism in India and South Africa as against recognising a wider variety of constitutionalisms; and (3) the generalisability beyond India and South Africa of the dialogue I reconstruct between the LPN and the CGN.
Read MoreThe blog of the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL)
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